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So one day I went to Columbia Center in downtown Seattle where the company said its headquarters was located. I found a virtual office suite on the 42nd floor where the person at the front desk told me Tiger Underwear had at one time rented space but no longer did.

Anderson lives in a two-story, tan house in a neighborhood of cul-de-sacs and s, traditional-style homes. On the day I visited, there was a black Cadillac Escalade in the driveway, but no one answered my knocks.

The front door was monitored by a video camera. I left my business card. Anderson spoke with me for two hours when I first reached him; after that he stopped returning my messages.

The next day I had a voicemail from Anderson. The callback number was his business line, but the voicemail box was still full.

I kept trying and on the second day he picked up the phone. Anderson told me that he runs the business out of his house with the help of his year-old son.

Anderson said he sought out both men and boys to model the product because that helps sell the underwear.

Anderson said he was inspired by underwear catalogs of the past that featured boys modeling underwear. As he launched the company, Anderson said he sought out modeling agencies and photographers willing to shoot boys wearing Tiger Underwear.

Chapter 2: Photo Shoots. In their small New England town, news of a photographer looking for youth models traveled mostly by word of mouth.

He came recommended by other families. It turned out Emerich had a client, a retro underwear company from Washington state, that needed boy models.

If your kid was comfortable in underwear, he could earn a bit of money, he told the mothers. Who knows, it might lead to something bigger down the road.

They saw the product, they got to meet David Anderson, and they could chaperone while their child was photographed.

After the photos were published, the reaction of the moms ranged from unconcerned to unsettled. Anderson told me he received one call from a parent of a model who was angry about the images.

He agreed to remove the photos of that particular boy from his website. Years later, moms of Tiger Underwear models would still express a range of emotions from nonplussed to anger to a sense of not having done enough to protect their children.

It was run by a man named William Thompson who offered the chance for their son, who was about 10 at the time, to build a modeling portfolio.

The first photo shoot was just headshots. But soon there were modeling gigs. But her son was getting modeling experience. Her understanding was that Tiger Underwear was designed for boys with bladder issues who needed an extra layer of absorbency.

As a nurse, it was something she could appreciate. Thicker underwear might save a boy from embarrassment at school. She or her husband always accompanied him to the photo shoots.

The mother recalled later seeing one picture of her son in Tiger Underwear. I thought that one was okay. The family worked with Thompson for about a year.

When I first called the mother in Utah, I knew her son had modeled for Tiger Underwear, but I did not know what photographer or which modeling agency they had worked with.

Thompson had been arrested for taking explicit photographs and videos of a boy who had been modeling for him. There is no indication the boy was ever a model for Tiger Underwear.

Thompson has pleaded not guilty and is currently awaiting trial in Nevada. His attorney did not respond to requests for comment. He also has charges pending in California.

A few days later, the mother called me back. She was angry. Something alarming had happened. Her son had been contacted on Instagram by someone who recognized him from his modeling work.

She did and quickly found a site — not Tiger Underwear — with images of her son that concerned her. The site she found was a blog that contained images of young boys in various stages of dress aggregated from the internet.

In , two years after Thompson was arrested in Nevada, Richard Emerich, the photographer who had shot for Tiger Underwear on the East Coast, was charged in federal court in Florida with production and distribution of child pornography.

As with Thompson, the charges were unrelated to his work with Tiger Underwear. In January , Emerich pleaded guilty to one count of distribution of child pornography.

Emerich did not respond to a letter sent to the prison. I called, emailed and texted. Ultimately I even sent a certified letter. But he did not respond.

Chapter 3: Thousands Of Photos. During our only interview, Anderson told me there had been approximately 20 Tiger Underwear photo shoots with kids over the years, but none since because it was getting too expensive.

Anderson said he had personally attended about half of the photo shoots over the years. After the photo shoots, Anderson said he would receive all the photographs from the photographer.

It was his job to pick the ones he wanted to use, edit them, put the Tiger Underwear watermark on them, and post them to the website. In the beginning, he said, it was all very rudimentary.

In those days, Anderson said, he might post a full length photo of a boy in underwear. Nowadays, he said he would crop that photo to emphasize the features of the underwear.

Some of the photos from the shoots, he said, would not be appropriate to post online. Scotty was introduced in March and Tristan in April. Next month in May we will add Sean to our Tiger lineup but in the meantime I have a sneak peek of him in the photo above.

In the video, adult voices off camera coach the boys to talk about their favorite sports and why they like Tiger Underwear. A voice off camera instructs one of the boys to fall down in the water and the other to point and laugh.

Over the course of the second video, he disrobes down to his white Tiger Underwear and sits down in an Adirondack chair.

Like a little angel in his white Tigers. How about some shots of them wrestling? Only professional contracted models are selected and parents of the young boys are present during all photo shoots.

And by August , the company had a new website and URL. This version had a more professional feel to it. There were no more videos of boys wrestling on the floor or pictures of pillow fights.

Instead, visitors to the website could browse an online catalog that featured pictures of boys and men modeling the underwear. When I spoke with Tiger Underwear co-founder David Anderson in May , I asked him if he was producing images designed to appeal to men with an interest in boys.

They have to be happy. Just sheer joy. After I pointed out the comments to Anderson, he said one of the regular commenters on the boy models was not a customer.

I had started looking into Tiger Underwear in the spring of after my editor at the time stumbled across the website while looking for underwear for her son.

As a parent, she questioned whether the images were appropriate and wondered about the line between legal and illegal images of children. She thought it might make a good story.

It turned out someone else had been investigating Tiger Underwear for years. He was a true man of mystery.

Chapter 4: Crusader With A Secret. Patrick Murphy, a retired teacher and former foster parent, started contacting Internet Crimes Against Children task forces around the country alerting them to Tiger Underwear.

In , school officials and police in Maine started getting reports that some of the Tiger Underwear models were identifiable because they wore school outfits in their model portfolio shots.

The man who had identified the models and was calling the schools and the police was a retired teacher and former foster parent named Patrick Murphy.

He said if he could identify these boys, then anyone could. Murphy said he was concerned for their safety. The article, which did not name Tiger Underwear, quoted Lt.

But Lang said investigators in three states — Maine, Connecticut and Washington — had concluded there was nothing illegal about the images.

Lang told the newspaper that the courtesy calls were not well received. In addition to contacting authorities in Maine, Murphy also sent a letter to the prosecutor in Pierce County, where Tiger Underwear is located.

In , he started contacting Internet Crimes Against Children task forces around the country alerting them to Tiger Underwear. Among the responses Murphy received was one from Sgt.

However, I do agree that the focus of the photos and blog comments is on the children, not the product. In , Murphy contacted police on Long Island after identifying another Tiger Underwear model and figuring out what school he attended.

This time, Murphy got some pushback. He was re-elected in , , , and He was featured and profiled by news media worldwide and claimed to average television appearances per month.

You're Under Arrest! Arpaio's jail detention practices included serving inmates Nutraloaf [33] and edibles recovered from food rescue [34] and limiting meals to twice daily.

Federal Judge Neil V. Wake ruled in and that the Maricopa County jails violated the constitutional rights of inmates in medical and other care-related issues.

In , Arpaio set up a " Tent City " — which he described as a " concentration camp " [44] [45] [46] — as a temporary extension of the Maricopa County Jail for convicted and sentenced prisoners.

Some inmates complained that fans near their beds were not working, and that their shoes were melting from the heat.

I still survived. I still kept getting re-elected. In , Amnesty International said Arpaio's tent city jail was not an "adequate or humane alternative to housing inmates in suitable In , Arpaio reinstituted chain gangs.

In , he expanded the chain gang concept by instituting female volunteer chain gangs. He also instituted the world's first all-juvenile volunteer chain gang; volunteers earned high school credit toward a diploma.

Despite allegations of misuse of funds received from these sales, Arpaio declined to provide an accounting for the money. Arpaio's success in gaining press coverage with the pink underwear resulted in his extending the use of the color.

I've done it five times. In November , Arpaio created an armed illegal immigration operations posse to help his deputies enforce immigration law.

Arpaio , the posse is no longer active. Arpaio was a controversial sheriff. In it was claimed that the sheriff's office failed to properly investigate serious crimes, including the rape of a year-old girl by classmates, [75] [76] and the rape of a year-old girl by two strangers.

The UCR is not intended for oversight on how law enforcement agencies clear cases The Sheriff's Office has its own criteria for clearing cases.

Those guidelines specify that a case can be cleared by exception only when a perpetrator's identity and location is known and there is sufficient evidence to support prosecution, but, due to special circumstances such as the suspect dying, or extradition not being possible , an arrest cannot be made.

In an interview on the ABC 's Nightline news program, when asked to explain why 82 percent of cases were declared cleared by exception, Arpaio said, "We do clear a higher percentage of that.

I know that. We clear many, many cases — not 18 percent. During a three-year period ending in , more than sex crimes reported to Arpaio's office were inadequately investigated or not investigated at all.

While providing police services for El Mirage, Arizona , the MCSO under Arpaio failed to follow through on at least 32 reported child molestations, even though the suspects were known in all but six cases.

Many of the victims were children of illegal immigrants. In a controversial case, Arpaio's office was accused of ignoring Sabrina Morrison, a teenage girl suffering from a mental disability.

On March 7, , the year-old was raped by her uncle, Patrick Morrison. She told her teacher the next day, and her teacher called the MCSO.

A rape kit was taken, but the detective assigned to the case told Sabrina and her family that there were no obvious signs of sexual assault, no semen, or signs of trauma.

As a result of the detective's statements, Sabrina was branded by her family as a liar. Her uncle continued to rape her repeatedly, saying he would kill her if she told anyone.

She became pregnant by him, and had an abortion. The family did not know that the rape kit had been tested at the state lab and showed the presence of semen.

The lab requested that the detective obtain a blood sample from the suspect, Patrick Morrison. In September the sheriff's office obtained a blood sample from Patrick Morrison, which was a DNA match with the semen taken over four years earlier.

Patrick Morrison was arrested and charged in February ; he pleaded guilty and was sentenced to 24 years in prison.

In December , responding to continuing media coverage of the controversy, and apparently unaware that there were hundreds of victims in these cases, Arpaio stated in a press conference, "If there were any victims, I apologize to those victims.

An internal memo written by one of the detectives assigned to the Morrison case blamed a high case load, saying the special victims unit had gone from five detectives to just three, and the detectives left were often called off their cases to investigate special assignments.

These included a credit card fraud case involving the Arizona Diamondbacks and a mortgage fraud case in Arpaio's home city of Fountain Hills.

Sheriff's administrators concluded they had no idea where positions were added or what became of the money after it was added to the budget.

In October , Mike Lacey and Jim Larkin, the founders and leaders of the Phoenix New Times , were arrested after publishing a news article on a grand jury investigation involving Arpaio's office.

Between and , Arpaio and former Maricopa County Attorney Andrew Thomas together undertook a number of government-corruption investigations targeting political opponents, including judges, county supervisors and administrators, resulting in filing of criminal charges against several individuals, lawsuits against the Maricopa County Board of Supervisors, and a federal civil-racketeering suit against the supervisors, four judges, and attorneys who worked with the county.

In early , Arpaio and Thomas sought to have a grand jury indict a number of Maricopa County judges, Maricopa County supervisors, and employees of the Maricopa County Board of Supervisors.

The grand jury, in an unusual rebuke, ordered the investigation ended. This action has been described as meaning that "the case is so bad, there's no further evidence that could be brought" to substantiate it.

Legal experts agreed this was a rare move. Arpaio and Thomas lost every case, either by ruling of the courts or by dropping the case. Arpaio's and Thomas' actions in these matters led to Thomas' disbarment by a disciplinary panel of the Arizona Supreme Court , which found that Thomas "outrageously exploited power, flagrantly fostered fear, and disgracefully misused the law" while serving as Maricopa County Attorney.

The panel found "clear and convincing evidence" that Thomas brought unfounded and malicious criminal and civil charges against political opponents, including four state judges and the Arizona Attorney General.

At least 11 individuals filed lawsuits or legal claims as a result of being targeted by Arpaio and Thomas. The county settled all 11 cases: [99] [].

Leonardo found that Arpaio "misused the power of his office to target members of the Board of Supervisors for criminal investigation".

In July , a committee established by Arpaio the "Campaign to Re-Elect Joe Arpaio " funded advertisements critical of Rick Romley , a candidate in the Republican primary for Maricopa County Attorney, and Arizona Attorney General candidate Tom Horne , despite the fact that Arpaio was not running for re-election at the time his term did not expire until the end of In August , following the filing of complaints to the Maricopa Elections Department, the Office of Maricopa County Attorney found that one of the advertisements, a direct mailer, advocated the defeat of Romley and was an in-kind contribution to Bill Montgomery Romley's primary election opponent , in violation of Arizona election law.

The order stated that a civil penalty in the amount of three times the amount of money spent on the mailer would be imposed on Campaign to Re-Elect Joe Arpaio The analysis showed that money from a restricted detention fund which could legally be used only to pay for jail items, such as food, detention officers' salaries, and equipment, was used to pay employees to patrol Maricopa County.

Arpaio's office kept a separate set of personnel books detailing actual work assignments, different from information kept in the county's official human resources records.

Arpaio used the detention fund to pay for investigations of political rivals, as well as activities involving his human-smuggling unit.

The analysis also showed a number of inappropriate spending items including a trip to Alaska where deputies stayed at a fishing resort, and trips to Disneyland.

Separate investigations by The Arizona Republic uncovered widespread abuse of public funds and county policies by Arpaio's office, including high-ranking employees routinely charging expensive meals and stays at luxury hotels on their county credit cards.

The memo alleged years of misconduct and mismanagement by Arpaio's second-in-command and other top MCSO officers, including the use of a public-corruption task force to conduct politically motivated probes into political opponents.

The memo alleged that top officials in the MCSO "willfully and intentionally committed criminal acts by attempting to obstruct justice, tamper with witnesses, and destroy evidence.

Former top MCSO staffers claimed that Arpaio knew of the acts alleged in the Munnell memo, but took no action to stop them. In October , the U. Attorney for Arizona confirmed that the FBI and Department of Justice had received copies of the Munnell memo and were conducting criminal investigations into its allegations.

In , undercover MCSO deputies arrested James Saville, then 18 years old, and charged him with plotting to kill Arpaio with a pipe bomb. A local television station had been tipped off to the arrest by the MCSO, and broadcast footage of the arrest that evening.

The MCSO held a news conference shortly after the arrest, and Arpaio appeared in interviews on local television stations, saying "If they think they are going to scare me away with bombs and everything else, it's not going to bother me.

In July , after spending almost four years in jail awaiting trial, Saville was acquitted by a Maricopa County Superior Court jury.

In , Saville, following the acquittal, sued Arpaio and Maricopa County for wrongful arrest and entrapment. Saville also received an unspecified additional compensation from the county's insurance company.

In , a federal grand jury began an inquiry of Arpaio for abuse-of-power in connection with an FBI investigation. Attorney's office announced that it was "closing its investigation into allegations of criminal conduct" by Arpaio, without filing charges.

Arpaio was investigated for politically motivated and "bogus" prosecutions, which a former U. Attorney called "utterly unacceptable".

As of July , only Sandra Dowling had been successfully prosecuted. Dowling later filed suit, alleging negligence, malicious prosecution, abuse of process and several constitutional violations, although Arpaio won summary judgment against her claims.

As of December , a federal grand jury was investigating Arpaio's office on criminal abuse-of-power allegations since at least December and was specifically examining the investigative work of the sheriff's anti-public corruption squad.

On August 31, , federal authorities announced they were terminating their abuse-of-power investigation into Arpaio in Arizona without filing charges against him.

In , Arpaio began focusing on enforcing immigration laws, after Maricopa County Attorney Andrew Thomas was elected with a campaign slogan of "Stop illegal immigration.

Starting in , Arpaio regularly conducted saturation patrols and immigration sweeps, targeting Latino neighborhoods [] [] and day laborers.

Arpaio has said of his immigration law enforcement efforts, "Ours is an operation where we want to go after illegals, not the crime first It's a pure program.

You go after them, and you lock them up. As of September , Arpaio was a defendant in a federal class action suit and a United States Department of Justice suit, both of which alleged racial profiling.

Arpaio repeatedly denied racial profiling, although the MCSO did not have a policy specifically barring the practice nor any reliable internal method of ensuring it was not taking place.

The lawsuit was expanded when several individuals joined in with similar complaints. The lawsuit charged that Sheriff Arpaio and the MCSO unlawfully instituted a pattern and practice of targeting Latino drivers and passengers in Maricopa County during traffic stops, and that MCSO's practices discriminated on the basis of race in violation of the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment , and resulted in prolonged traffic stops and baseless extended detentions in violation of the Fourth Amendment.

The case was initially assigned to U. District Judge Mary Murguia. In June , in response to a motion filed by Arpaio's lawyers, she recused herself.

The case was then assigned to U. District Judge G. Murray Snow. In his September deposition in the case, Arpaio testified he had never read the complaint in the case, was unfamiliar with the details of the allegations of racial profiling therein, didn't know the content of the 14th Amendment to the U.

Constitution , and had never read the Department of Justice 's guidelines concerning the use of race in investigations, which would have applied to his deputies in the field when they were still operating under a g program agreement with U.

He insisted, however, that his deputies didn't profile based on ethnicity or race. Sheriff Arpaio has made public statements that a fact finder could interpret as endorsing racial profiling, such as stating that, even lacking g authority, his officers can detain people based upon 'their speech, what they look like, if they look like they came from another country' Moreover, he acknowledges that MCSO provides no training to reduce the risk of racial profiling, stating 'if we do not racial profile, why would I do a training program?

He also enjoined the MCSO and all of its officers from "detaining any person based only on knowledge or reasonable belief, without more, that the person is unlawfully present within the United States, because as a matter of law such knowledge does not amount to a reasonable belief that the person either violated or conspired to violate the Arizona human smuggling statute, or any other state or federal criminal law.

On December 23, , U. District Court Judge G. Murray Snow enjoined Arpaio and the MCSO from "detaining any person based only on knowledge or reasonable belief, without more, that the person is unlawfully present within the United States," halting anti-illegal immigration enforcement by MCSO in its current form.

The court upheld Judge Snow's injunction. Starting July 19, , a six-day bench trial was held before Judge Snow. Arpaio filed a limited appeal to the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit , contesting the district court's order, insofar as it covered traffic stops outside of saturation patrols.

The appeals court rejected this claim, upholding Judge Snow's inclusion of non-saturation patrols in his finding of racial profiling, and maintaining his rulings of corrective actions that included training and video recording of traffic stops.

The appeals court did agree with Arpaio that the court-appointed monitor's oversight of internal investigations must only be related to the constitutional violations.

I don't care what everybody says. Because of Arpaio's First Amendment free speech rights, the court did not require him to personally sign the corrective letter.

Two days after the hearing, having just been rebuked for mocking the court's order, Arpaio sent out a fundraising letter complaining of "Rampant UNFOUNDED [sic] charges of racism and racial profiling in my office.

I want to be careful and say that the Maricopa County Sheriff's Office has used race — has illegitimately used race as a factor, and to the extent that constitutes racial profiling, that's what it is and that's what I found and the sheriff is saying that people have wrongfully accused him of that as of last Wednesday, which was after the meeting in which he was here.

So to the extent that I have a sheriff, who I'm not going to prohibit from mischaracterizing my order publicly, to the extent that I have an MCSO that is rife with a misunderstanding of my order and a mischaracterization of it when they are the people that have to understand it and implement it, I have grave concerns Arpaio neither confirmed nor denied the investigation to the Phoenix New Times.

Montgomery to investigate whether the DOJ had been penetrating Arpaio's e-mails as well as those of local attorneys and judges, including Judge Snow.

This was called the "Seattle Operation. As a result of the potential for ethical conflicts arizing from Arpaio's and Sheridan's testimony, Casey withdrew as legal counsel for Arpaio and the MCSO.

During a status conference on May 14, , Judge Snow, reading from a prepared statement, said that documents unearthed from the "Seattle Operation" by the court-appointed monitor revealed "an attempt to construct a conspiracy involving this court" as well as other entities and individuals including the DOJ, former U.

As part of the contempt proceedings, Judge Snow concluded Arpaio and others had made intentionally false statements about the efforts to investigate him.

Wake ruled in , and again in , that the county jails violated the constitutional rights of inmates in medical and other care-related issues.

In a ruling issued in October , the U. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit ordered Arpaio to comply with Judge Wake's ruling, which required Arpaio to end the overcrowding and to ensure all detainees received necessary medical and mental health care; be given uninterrupted access to all medications prescribed by correctional medical staff; be given access to exercise and to sinks, toilets, toilet paper and soap; and be served food that met or exceeded the U.

Department of Agriculture's dietary guidelines. In , Deborah Braillard, a diabetic was arrested and detained in county jail on a minor drug-possession charge.

Without medical attention, Braillard soon became ill. Although Braillard "groaned and cried for help as she defecated and vomited on herself and others," guards refused to listen to pleas to medical treatment for Braillard, who went into a diabetic coma and died while chained to a hospital bed.

In the subsequent wrongful death of Braillard v. Maricopa County , [] the plaintiff's attorney cited numerous reports commissioned and paid for by Maricopa County, dating back as far as , detailing a "culture of cruelty" where inmates were routinely denied humane healthcare at Maricopa County jails run by Arpaio.

Testifying in this case, Arpaio stated he could not deny making the statement that even if he had a billion dollars he wouldn't change the way he runs his jails.

In the litigation, the former medical director for the country jails and other witnesses testified on the destruction of evidence, specifically "about evidence in the case being swiped and deleted from his computer.

In June , the Department of Justice Civil Rights Division began an investigation of Arpaio amid accusations of discrimination and unconstitutional searches and seizures.

The investigation was conducted under the authority of Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of , which forbids discrimination related to programs that receive federal funds.

On July 7, , Arpaio held a press conference and announced that he would not cooperate with the investigation, either by providing documents or permitting interviews with personnel.

On September 2, , the Department of Justice filed suit against Arpaio [] to compel his cooperation with the investigation. A spokeswoman for the Justice Department stated that it was unprecedented for an agency to refuse to cooperate with a Title VI investigation, and that this was the first time the Justice Department had sued to compel access to documents and facilities.

On December 15, , the Justice Department released their findings after a 3-year investigation of Arpaio's office amid complaints of racial profiling and a culture of bias at the agency's top level.

The report stated that under Arpaio, the Maricopa County Sheriff's Office has "a pervasive culture of discriminatory bias against Latinos" that "reaches the highest levels of the agency.

The Justice Department accused Arpaio of engaging in "unconstitutional policing" by unfairly targeting Latinos for detention and arrest, and retaliating against critics.

This decision revoked the MCSO's federal authority to identify and detain illegal immigrants. Arpaio have engaged and continue to engage in a pattern or practice of unlawful discriminatory police conduct directed at Latinos in Maricopa County and jail practices that unlawfully discriminate against Latino prisoners with limited English language skills.

The United States' claims in this suit encompassed, but were broader than, the unconstitutional discriminatory conduct that the Court in Melendres v.

Arpaio found the MCSO to have engaged in concerning its immigration enforcement-related traffic stops.

A DOJ representative said that the agency was left with no choice but to file suit after Arpaio's attorneys balked at a demand for a court-appointed monitor to ensure the sheriff's office complied with any settlement terms.

Arpaio rejected the notion of a court-appointed monitor, and denied that the MCSO engaged in racial profiling. Silver of the United States District Court for the District of Arizona entered partial summary judgment for the DOJ, and against Arpaio, on the central racial-profiling allegations in the suit.

At two press conferences held in March , Arpaio and members of his Cold Case Posse claimed that President Barack Obama's long-form birth certificate , released by the White House on April 27, , [] is a computer-generated forgery.

The Posse also claimed that Obama's Selective Service card was a forgery. Some of the major claims presented by Arpaio were subsequently shown to be false; specifically, the Vital Statistics Instruction Manual that Arpaio and his team claimed to possess contradicted what they claimed it said, and images shown by them, purportedly from that manual, were instead from computer specifications dated and In response to Arpaio's claims, Joshua A.

Wisch, a special assistant to the Attorney General of Hawaii , said in a statement, "President Obama was born in Honolulu, and his birth certificate is valid.

Regarding the latest allegations from a sheriff in Arizona, they are untrue, misinformed and misconstrue Hawaii law. During September , Arpaio claimed to be still investigating President Obama's birth certificate, stating, "We are looking at a forged document.

In , Arpaio said that it was an "honor" for his department to be compared to the Ku Klux Klan , a white supremacist terrorist organization.

On the witness stand in a civil trial in , however, Arpaio backtracked, saying that he no longer considered the comparison an honor. In December , after many warnings, U.

Murray Snow told Arpaio there was a very real possibility that he would refer Arpaio to the U. Attorney's Office for criminal prosecution on contempt of court charges due to the MCSO's failure to comply with the court's order to stop its racial profiling practices.

Snow advised Arpaio to retain a criminal defense attorney. In a bid to shield Arpaio from criminal proceedings, his attorneys filed a written statement arguing that any mistakes in complying with the court's orders were unintentional, or the fault of former employees.

In March , a month before the scheduled contempt hearing, Arpaio admitted that he violated several court orders, and consented to a finding of civil contempt against him.

Because the matter of criminal contempt was still at issue, the initial contempt hearing was held as scheduled. On July 24, , the court directed U.

On May 13, , the court held Arpaio in contempt on three counts. The charges were filed just two weeks before an election in which Arpaio was running for re-election.

On July 31, , Arpaio was found guilty of criminal contempt of court. District Judge Susan Bolton wrote that Arpaio had "willfully violated an order of the court" by failing "to ensure his subordinates' compliance and by directing them to continue to detain persons for whom no criminal charges could be filed.

On August 25, , President Donald Trump pardoned Arpaio for his conviction for criminal contempt of court, a decision that provoked considerable controversy.

Trump also announced his decision on Twitter , declaring that Arpaio is an "American patriot" who had "kept Arizona safe.

Arizona Governor Doug Ducey was among the politicians praising the pardon, [] crediting Arpaio with helping to reduce crime over a long career, and Ducey also welcomed the finality that the pardon gave to the whole matter.

A number of law professors and political scientists described the pardon as troubling and unusual. After the pardon, Arpaio filed a motion to vacate his conviction for criminal contempt.

Bolton denied the motion. She held that Trump's pardon "undoubtedly spared Defendant from any punishment that might otherwise have been imposed.

It did not, however, 'revise the historical facts' of this case. The court's findings and documents in the record of the case should stand and now will stand.

The legal status of the pardon continued to be challenged. Although the federal prosecutors did not contest its validity, some legal groups challenged the pardon as unconstitutional.

Arpaio stated in a September interview with American Free Press that he would consider running for office again, including the United States Congress , if President Donald Trump asked him to.

Arpaio has hardline views on immigration. Why can't these people be deported, go back to the country, learn about the country where they came from, be ambassadors?

When you're asking me now, don't forget: I just made a decision to run. Instead of looking at the sports page, I've got to start looking at the newspaper.

On August 25, , Arpaio issued a statement saying that he would run for Sheriff of Maricopa County in , saying "Watch out world!

We are back! In November , a group calling itself Arizonans for the U. Constitution and Recall of Joe Arpaio filed the paperwork to begin an effort to recall Arpaio and County Prosecutor Thomas from office for allegedly disobeying and violating the United States Constitution and abuse of power.

On May 30, , a recall attempt on Arpaio again failed only a week after a federal judge ruled that the sheriff's office had engaged in systematic discrimination against Latinos in violation of their constitutional rights.

Members of Respect Arizona and Citizens for a Better Arizona started the recall effort, but were unable to get the required , valid voter signatures by the 5 p.

Arpaio married his wife Ava in and they had two children. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Ava Lam. See also: Barack Obama citizenship conspiracy theories.

Main article: Pardon of Joe Arpaio. The Arizona Republic. Retrieved September 14, The New York Times. Retrieved July 14, Note Arpaio's book, titled "America's Toughest Sheriff.

Associated Press. Retrieved August 29, The Washington Post. Retrieved June 26, Retrieved January 11, Retrieved August 28, Retrieved August 26, August 26, The Guardian.

The Phoenix New Times. Retrieved August 25, Retrieved August 24, NBC News. Retrieved August 7, Re-Elect Sheriff Joe Arpaio.

Committee to Re-Elect Joe Arpaio. Archived from the original on January 29, Retrieved January 29, April 1, Los Angeles Times.

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A Federal court monitor was appointed to oversee his office's operations because of complaints of racial profiling. The U. Department of Justice concluded that Arpaio oversaw the worst pattern of racial profiling in U.

Over the course of his career, Arpaio was the subject of several federal civil rights lawsuits. In one case he was a defendant in a decade-long suit in which a federal court issued an injunction barring him from conducting further "immigration round-ups".

Though Arpaio sought another term as Maricopa County Sheriff in , the contempt of court conviction eroded much of his remaining political support, and he was defeated in the election by Paul Penzone , a Democrat who reversed many of Arpaio's policies after taking office.

Arpaio was an unsuccessful candidate in Arizona's Republican primary election for U. Senate in On August 25, , Arpaio issued a statement saying that he would run for sheriff of Maricopa County in Arpaio was born in Springfield, Massachusetts , on June 14, , [20] to Italian parents, both from Lacedonia, Italy.

Following his army discharge in , Arpaio moved to Washington, D. He served as a police officer in Las Vegas for six months before being appointed as a special agent with the Federal Bureau of Narcotics , which later became part of the Drug Enforcement Administration DEA.

While there, he sold passage on the Phoenix E space rocket, which was hoped to take off from either Edwards Air Force Base or Vandenberg Air Force Base on the th anniversary of Christopher Columbus' voyage to the new world.

Although he claimed in that the first 19 flights of the Phoenix E had been booked, no flights were ever made.

Arpaio was first elected as sheriff in He was re-elected in , , , and He was featured and profiled by news media worldwide and claimed to average television appearances per month.

You're Under Arrest! Arpaio's jail detention practices included serving inmates Nutraloaf [33] and edibles recovered from food rescue [34] and limiting meals to twice daily.

Federal Judge Neil V. Wake ruled in and that the Maricopa County jails violated the constitutional rights of inmates in medical and other care-related issues.

In , Arpaio set up a " Tent City " — which he described as a " concentration camp " [44] [45] [46] — as a temporary extension of the Maricopa County Jail for convicted and sentenced prisoners.

Some inmates complained that fans near their beds were not working, and that their shoes were melting from the heat.

I still survived. I still kept getting re-elected. In , Amnesty International said Arpaio's tent city jail was not an "adequate or humane alternative to housing inmates in suitable In , Arpaio reinstituted chain gangs.

In , he expanded the chain gang concept by instituting female volunteer chain gangs. He also instituted the world's first all-juvenile volunteer chain gang; volunteers earned high school credit toward a diploma.

Despite allegations of misuse of funds received from these sales, Arpaio declined to provide an accounting for the money. Arpaio's success in gaining press coverage with the pink underwear resulted in his extending the use of the color.

I've done it five times. In November , Arpaio created an armed illegal immigration operations posse to help his deputies enforce immigration law.

Arpaio , the posse is no longer active. Arpaio was a controversial sheriff. In it was claimed that the sheriff's office failed to properly investigate serious crimes, including the rape of a year-old girl by classmates, [75] [76] and the rape of a year-old girl by two strangers.

The UCR is not intended for oversight on how law enforcement agencies clear cases The Sheriff's Office has its own criteria for clearing cases.

Those guidelines specify that a case can be cleared by exception only when a perpetrator's identity and location is known and there is sufficient evidence to support prosecution, but, due to special circumstances such as the suspect dying, or extradition not being possible , an arrest cannot be made.

In an interview on the ABC 's Nightline news program, when asked to explain why 82 percent of cases were declared cleared by exception, Arpaio said, "We do clear a higher percentage of that.

I know that. We clear many, many cases — not 18 percent. During a three-year period ending in , more than sex crimes reported to Arpaio's office were inadequately investigated or not investigated at all.

While providing police services for El Mirage, Arizona , the MCSO under Arpaio failed to follow through on at least 32 reported child molestations, even though the suspects were known in all but six cases.

Many of the victims were children of illegal immigrants. In a controversial case, Arpaio's office was accused of ignoring Sabrina Morrison, a teenage girl suffering from a mental disability.

On March 7, , the year-old was raped by her uncle, Patrick Morrison. She told her teacher the next day, and her teacher called the MCSO.

A rape kit was taken, but the detective assigned to the case told Sabrina and her family that there were no obvious signs of sexual assault, no semen, or signs of trauma.

As a result of the detective's statements, Sabrina was branded by her family as a liar. Her uncle continued to rape her repeatedly, saying he would kill her if she told anyone.

She became pregnant by him, and had an abortion. The family did not know that the rape kit had been tested at the state lab and showed the presence of semen.

The lab requested that the detective obtain a blood sample from the suspect, Patrick Morrison. In September the sheriff's office obtained a blood sample from Patrick Morrison, which was a DNA match with the semen taken over four years earlier.

Patrick Morrison was arrested and charged in February ; he pleaded guilty and was sentenced to 24 years in prison.

In December , responding to continuing media coverage of the controversy, and apparently unaware that there were hundreds of victims in these cases, Arpaio stated in a press conference, "If there were any victims, I apologize to those victims.

An internal memo written by one of the detectives assigned to the Morrison case blamed a high case load, saying the special victims unit had gone from five detectives to just three, and the detectives left were often called off their cases to investigate special assignments.

These included a credit card fraud case involving the Arizona Diamondbacks and a mortgage fraud case in Arpaio's home city of Fountain Hills.

Sheriff's administrators concluded they had no idea where positions were added or what became of the money after it was added to the budget.

In October , Mike Lacey and Jim Larkin, the founders and leaders of the Phoenix New Times , were arrested after publishing a news article on a grand jury investigation involving Arpaio's office.

Between and , Arpaio and former Maricopa County Attorney Andrew Thomas together undertook a number of government-corruption investigations targeting political opponents, including judges, county supervisors and administrators, resulting in filing of criminal charges against several individuals, lawsuits against the Maricopa County Board of Supervisors, and a federal civil-racketeering suit against the supervisors, four judges, and attorneys who worked with the county.

In early , Arpaio and Thomas sought to have a grand jury indict a number of Maricopa County judges, Maricopa County supervisors, and employees of the Maricopa County Board of Supervisors.

The grand jury, in an unusual rebuke, ordered the investigation ended. This action has been described as meaning that "the case is so bad, there's no further evidence that could be brought" to substantiate it.

Legal experts agreed this was a rare move. Arpaio and Thomas lost every case, either by ruling of the courts or by dropping the case. Arpaio's and Thomas' actions in these matters led to Thomas' disbarment by a disciplinary panel of the Arizona Supreme Court , which found that Thomas "outrageously exploited power, flagrantly fostered fear, and disgracefully misused the law" while serving as Maricopa County Attorney.

The panel found "clear and convincing evidence" that Thomas brought unfounded and malicious criminal and civil charges against political opponents, including four state judges and the Arizona Attorney General.

At least 11 individuals filed lawsuits or legal claims as a result of being targeted by Arpaio and Thomas. The county settled all 11 cases: [99] [].

Leonardo found that Arpaio "misused the power of his office to target members of the Board of Supervisors for criminal investigation".

In July , a committee established by Arpaio the "Campaign to Re-Elect Joe Arpaio " funded advertisements critical of Rick Romley , a candidate in the Republican primary for Maricopa County Attorney, and Arizona Attorney General candidate Tom Horne , despite the fact that Arpaio was not running for re-election at the time his term did not expire until the end of In August , following the filing of complaints to the Maricopa Elections Department, the Office of Maricopa County Attorney found that one of the advertisements, a direct mailer, advocated the defeat of Romley and was an in-kind contribution to Bill Montgomery Romley's primary election opponent , in violation of Arizona election law.

The order stated that a civil penalty in the amount of three times the amount of money spent on the mailer would be imposed on Campaign to Re-Elect Joe Arpaio The analysis showed that money from a restricted detention fund which could legally be used only to pay for jail items, such as food, detention officers' salaries, and equipment, was used to pay employees to patrol Maricopa County.

Arpaio's office kept a separate set of personnel books detailing actual work assignments, different from information kept in the county's official human resources records.

Arpaio used the detention fund to pay for investigations of political rivals, as well as activities involving his human-smuggling unit.

The analysis also showed a number of inappropriate spending items including a trip to Alaska where deputies stayed at a fishing resort, and trips to Disneyland.

Separate investigations by The Arizona Republic uncovered widespread abuse of public funds and county policies by Arpaio's office, including high-ranking employees routinely charging expensive meals and stays at luxury hotels on their county credit cards.

The memo alleged years of misconduct and mismanagement by Arpaio's second-in-command and other top MCSO officers, including the use of a public-corruption task force to conduct politically motivated probes into political opponents.

The memo alleged that top officials in the MCSO "willfully and intentionally committed criminal acts by attempting to obstruct justice, tamper with witnesses, and destroy evidence.

Former top MCSO staffers claimed that Arpaio knew of the acts alleged in the Munnell memo, but took no action to stop them.

In October , the U. Attorney for Arizona confirmed that the FBI and Department of Justice had received copies of the Munnell memo and were conducting criminal investigations into its allegations.

In , undercover MCSO deputies arrested James Saville, then 18 years old, and charged him with plotting to kill Arpaio with a pipe bomb.

A local television station had been tipped off to the arrest by the MCSO, and broadcast footage of the arrest that evening.

The MCSO held a news conference shortly after the arrest, and Arpaio appeared in interviews on local television stations, saying "If they think they are going to scare me away with bombs and everything else, it's not going to bother me.

In July , after spending almost four years in jail awaiting trial, Saville was acquitted by a Maricopa County Superior Court jury.

In , Saville, following the acquittal, sued Arpaio and Maricopa County for wrongful arrest and entrapment.

Saville also received an unspecified additional compensation from the county's insurance company. In , a federal grand jury began an inquiry of Arpaio for abuse-of-power in connection with an FBI investigation.

Attorney's office announced that it was "closing its investigation into allegations of criminal conduct" by Arpaio, without filing charges.

Arpaio was investigated for politically motivated and "bogus" prosecutions, which a former U. Attorney called "utterly unacceptable". As of July , only Sandra Dowling had been successfully prosecuted.

Dowling later filed suit, alleging negligence, malicious prosecution, abuse of process and several constitutional violations, although Arpaio won summary judgment against her claims.

As of December , a federal grand jury was investigating Arpaio's office on criminal abuse-of-power allegations since at least December and was specifically examining the investigative work of the sheriff's anti-public corruption squad.

On August 31, , federal authorities announced they were terminating their abuse-of-power investigation into Arpaio in Arizona without filing charges against him.

In , Arpaio began focusing on enforcing immigration laws, after Maricopa County Attorney Andrew Thomas was elected with a campaign slogan of "Stop illegal immigration.

Starting in , Arpaio regularly conducted saturation patrols and immigration sweeps, targeting Latino neighborhoods [] [] and day laborers.

Arpaio has said of his immigration law enforcement efforts, "Ours is an operation where we want to go after illegals, not the crime first It's a pure program.

You go after them, and you lock them up. As of September , Arpaio was a defendant in a federal class action suit and a United States Department of Justice suit, both of which alleged racial profiling.

Arpaio repeatedly denied racial profiling, although the MCSO did not have a policy specifically barring the practice nor any reliable internal method of ensuring it was not taking place.

The lawsuit was expanded when several individuals joined in with similar complaints. The lawsuit charged that Sheriff Arpaio and the MCSO unlawfully instituted a pattern and practice of targeting Latino drivers and passengers in Maricopa County during traffic stops, and that MCSO's practices discriminated on the basis of race in violation of the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment , and resulted in prolonged traffic stops and baseless extended detentions in violation of the Fourth Amendment.

The case was initially assigned to U. District Judge Mary Murguia. In June , in response to a motion filed by Arpaio's lawyers, she recused herself.

The case was then assigned to U. District Judge G. Murray Snow. In his September deposition in the case, Arpaio testified he had never read the complaint in the case, was unfamiliar with the details of the allegations of racial profiling therein, didn't know the content of the 14th Amendment to the U.

Constitution , and had never read the Department of Justice 's guidelines concerning the use of race in investigations, which would have applied to his deputies in the field when they were still operating under a g program agreement with U.

He insisted, however, that his deputies didn't profile based on ethnicity or race. Sheriff Arpaio has made public statements that a fact finder could interpret as endorsing racial profiling, such as stating that, even lacking g authority, his officers can detain people based upon 'their speech, what they look like, if they look like they came from another country' Moreover, he acknowledges that MCSO provides no training to reduce the risk of racial profiling, stating 'if we do not racial profile, why would I do a training program?

He also enjoined the MCSO and all of its officers from "detaining any person based only on knowledge or reasonable belief, without more, that the person is unlawfully present within the United States, because as a matter of law such knowledge does not amount to a reasonable belief that the person either violated or conspired to violate the Arizona human smuggling statute, or any other state or federal criminal law.

On December 23, , U. District Court Judge G. Murray Snow enjoined Arpaio and the MCSO from "detaining any person based only on knowledge or reasonable belief, without more, that the person is unlawfully present within the United States," halting anti-illegal immigration enforcement by MCSO in its current form.

The court upheld Judge Snow's injunction. Starting July 19, , a six-day bench trial was held before Judge Snow. Arpaio filed a limited appeal to the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit , contesting the district court's order, insofar as it covered traffic stops outside of saturation patrols.

The appeals court rejected this claim, upholding Judge Snow's inclusion of non-saturation patrols in his finding of racial profiling, and maintaining his rulings of corrective actions that included training and video recording of traffic stops.

The appeals court did agree with Arpaio that the court-appointed monitor's oversight of internal investigations must only be related to the constitutional violations.

I don't care what everybody says. Because of Arpaio's First Amendment free speech rights, the court did not require him to personally sign the corrective letter.

Two days after the hearing, having just been rebuked for mocking the court's order, Arpaio sent out a fundraising letter complaining of "Rampant UNFOUNDED [sic] charges of racism and racial profiling in my office.

I want to be careful and say that the Maricopa County Sheriff's Office has used race — has illegitimately used race as a factor, and to the extent that constitutes racial profiling, that's what it is and that's what I found and the sheriff is saying that people have wrongfully accused him of that as of last Wednesday, which was after the meeting in which he was here.

So to the extent that I have a sheriff, who I'm not going to prohibit from mischaracterizing my order publicly, to the extent that I have an MCSO that is rife with a misunderstanding of my order and a mischaracterization of it when they are the people that have to understand it and implement it, I have grave concerns Arpaio neither confirmed nor denied the investigation to the Phoenix New Times.

Montgomery to investigate whether the DOJ had been penetrating Arpaio's e-mails as well as those of local attorneys and judges, including Judge Snow.

This was called the "Seattle Operation. As a result of the potential for ethical conflicts arizing from Arpaio's and Sheridan's testimony, Casey withdrew as legal counsel for Arpaio and the MCSO.

During a status conference on May 14, , Judge Snow, reading from a prepared statement, said that documents unearthed from the "Seattle Operation" by the court-appointed monitor revealed "an attempt to construct a conspiracy involving this court" as well as other entities and individuals including the DOJ, former U.

As part of the contempt proceedings, Judge Snow concluded Arpaio and others had made intentionally false statements about the efforts to investigate him.

Wake ruled in , and again in , that the county jails violated the constitutional rights of inmates in medical and other care-related issues.

In a ruling issued in October , the U. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit ordered Arpaio to comply with Judge Wake's ruling, which required Arpaio to end the overcrowding and to ensure all detainees received necessary medical and mental health care; be given uninterrupted access to all medications prescribed by correctional medical staff; be given access to exercise and to sinks, toilets, toilet paper and soap; and be served food that met or exceeded the U.

Department of Agriculture's dietary guidelines. In , Deborah Braillard, a diabetic was arrested and detained in county jail on a minor drug-possession charge.

Without medical attention, Braillard soon became ill. Although Braillard "groaned and cried for help as she defecated and vomited on herself and others," guards refused to listen to pleas to medical treatment for Braillard, who went into a diabetic coma and died while chained to a hospital bed.

In the subsequent wrongful death of Braillard v. Maricopa County , [] the plaintiff's attorney cited numerous reports commissioned and paid for by Maricopa County, dating back as far as , detailing a "culture of cruelty" where inmates were routinely denied humane healthcare at Maricopa County jails run by Arpaio.

Testifying in this case, Arpaio stated he could not deny making the statement that even if he had a billion dollars he wouldn't change the way he runs his jails.

In the litigation, the former medical director for the country jails and other witnesses testified on the destruction of evidence, specifically "about evidence in the case being swiped and deleted from his computer.

In June , the Department of Justice Civil Rights Division began an investigation of Arpaio amid accusations of discrimination and unconstitutional searches and seizures.

The investigation was conducted under the authority of Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of , which forbids discrimination related to programs that receive federal funds.

On July 7, , Arpaio held a press conference and announced that he would not cooperate with the investigation, either by providing documents or permitting interviews with personnel.

On September 2, , the Department of Justice filed suit against Arpaio [] to compel his cooperation with the investigation.

A spokeswoman for the Justice Department stated that it was unprecedented for an agency to refuse to cooperate with a Title VI investigation, and that this was the first time the Justice Department had sued to compel access to documents and facilities.

On December 15, , the Justice Department released their findings after a 3-year investigation of Arpaio's office amid complaints of racial profiling and a culture of bias at the agency's top level.

The report stated that under Arpaio, the Maricopa County Sheriff's Office has "a pervasive culture of discriminatory bias against Latinos" that "reaches the highest levels of the agency.

The Justice Department accused Arpaio of engaging in "unconstitutional policing" by unfairly targeting Latinos for detention and arrest, and retaliating against critics.

This decision revoked the MCSO's federal authority to identify and detain illegal immigrants. Arpaio have engaged and continue to engage in a pattern or practice of unlawful discriminatory police conduct directed at Latinos in Maricopa County and jail practices that unlawfully discriminate against Latino prisoners with limited English language skills.

The United States' claims in this suit encompassed, but were broader than, the unconstitutional discriminatory conduct that the Court in Melendres v.

Arpaio found the MCSO to have engaged in concerning its immigration enforcement-related traffic stops.

A DOJ representative said that the agency was left with no choice but to file suit after Arpaio's attorneys balked at a demand for a court-appointed monitor to ensure the sheriff's office complied with any settlement terms.

Arpaio rejected the notion of a court-appointed monitor, and denied that the MCSO engaged in racial profiling. Silver of the United States District Court for the District of Arizona entered partial summary judgment for the DOJ, and against Arpaio, on the central racial-profiling allegations in the suit.

At two press conferences held in March , Arpaio and members of his Cold Case Posse claimed that President Barack Obama's long-form birth certificate , released by the White House on April 27, , [] is a computer-generated forgery.

The Posse also claimed that Obama's Selective Service card was a forgery. Some of the major claims presented by Arpaio were subsequently shown to be false; specifically, the Vital Statistics Instruction Manual that Arpaio and his team claimed to possess contradicted what they claimed it said, and images shown by them, purportedly from that manual, were instead from computer specifications dated and In response to Arpaio's claims, Joshua A.

Wisch, a special assistant to the Attorney General of Hawaii , said in a statement, "President Obama was born in Honolulu, and his birth certificate is valid.

Regarding the latest allegations from a sheriff in Arizona, they are untrue, misinformed and misconstrue Hawaii law.

During September , Arpaio claimed to be still investigating President Obama's birth certificate, stating, "We are looking at a forged document.

In , Arpaio said that it was an "honor" for his department to be compared to the Ku Klux Klan , a white supremacist terrorist organization.

On the witness stand in a civil trial in , however, Arpaio backtracked, saying that he no longer considered the comparison an honor. In December , after many warnings, U.

Murray Snow told Arpaio there was a very real possibility that he would refer Arpaio to the U. Attorney's Office for criminal prosecution on contempt of court charges due to the MCSO's failure to comply with the court's order to stop its racial profiling practices.

Snow advised Arpaio to retain a criminal defense attorney. In a bid to shield Arpaio from criminal proceedings, his attorneys filed a written statement arguing that any mistakes in complying with the court's orders were unintentional, or the fault of former employees.

In March , a month before the scheduled contempt hearing, Arpaio admitted that he violated several court orders, and consented to a finding of civil contempt against him.

Because the matter of criminal contempt was still at issue, the initial contempt hearing was held as scheduled. On July 24, , the court directed U. On May 13, , the court held Arpaio in contempt on three counts.

The charges were filed just two weeks before an election in which Arpaio was running for re-election. On July 31, , Arpaio was found guilty of criminal contempt of court.

District Judge Susan Bolton wrote that Arpaio had "willfully violated an order of the court" by failing "to ensure his subordinates' compliance and by directing them to continue to detain persons for whom no criminal charges could be filed.

On August 25, , President Donald Trump pardoned Arpaio for his conviction for criminal contempt of court, a decision that provoked considerable controversy.

Trump also announced his decision on Twitter , declaring that Arpaio is an "American patriot" who had "kept Arizona safe. Arizona Governor Doug Ducey was among the politicians praising the pardon, [] crediting Arpaio with helping to reduce crime over a long career, and Ducey also welcomed the finality that the pardon gave to the whole matter.

A number of law professors and political scientists described the pardon as troubling and unusual. After the pardon, Arpaio filed a motion to vacate his conviction for criminal contempt.

Bolton denied the motion. She held that Trump's pardon "undoubtedly spared Defendant from any punishment that might otherwise have been imposed. It did not, however, 'revise the historical facts' of this case.

The court's findings and documents in the record of the case should stand and now will stand. The legal status of the pardon continued to be challenged.

Although the federal prosecutors did not contest its validity, some legal groups challenged the pardon as unconstitutional. Arpaio stated in a September interview with American Free Press that he would consider running for office again, including the United States Congress , if President Donald Trump asked him to.

Arpaio has hardline views on immigration. Why can't these people be deported, go back to the country, learn about the country where they came from, be ambassadors?

When you're asking me now, don't forget: I just made a decision to run. Instead of looking at the sports page, I've got to start looking at the newspaper.

On August 25, , Arpaio issued a statement saying that he would run for Sheriff of Maricopa County in , saying "Watch out world! We are back!

In November , a group calling itself Arizonans for the U. Constitution and Recall of Joe Arpaio filed the paperwork to begin an effort to recall Arpaio and County Prosecutor Thomas from office for allegedly disobeying and violating the United States Constitution and abuse of power.

On May 30, , a recall attempt on Arpaio again failed only a week after a federal judge ruled that the sheriff's office had engaged in systematic discrimination against Latinos in violation of their constitutional rights.

Members of Respect Arizona and Citizens for a Better Arizona started the recall effort, but were unable to get the required , valid voter signatures by the 5 p.

Arpaio married his wife Ava in and they had two children. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Ava Lam. See also: Barack Obama citizenship conspiracy theories.

Main article: Pardon of Joe Arpaio. The Arizona Republic. Retrieved September 14, The New York Times. Retrieved July 14, Note Arpaio's book, titled "America's Toughest Sheriff.

Associated Press. Retrieved August 29, The Washington Post. Retrieved June 26,

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